JANUARY 14, 1863:
Representative
Clement Vallandigham of Ohio, leader of the “Copperhead” faction in Congress
delivers a very lengthy speech which makes him notorious. It reads in part:
I propose to consider
the State of the Union to-day…
It is now two years,
sir, since…the Presidential election…For the first time a President had been
chosen upon a platform of avowed hostility to an institution peculiar to nearly
one-half of the States of the Union…Repeated efforts for conciliation and
compromise were attempted…All were rejected by the party just coming into
power…South Carolina seceded; Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi,
Louisiana, and Texas speedily followed…The other slave States held back. Virginia
demanded a peace congress…The President elect…jesting as he came…entered this
city under cover of night and in disguise…On the 4th of March he was
inaugurated...the policy of peace was proclaimed…Why that policy was suddenly
abandoned, time will fully disclose…the…President, in fatal haste…issued his proclamation…calling
out seventy-five thousand militia for three months, to repossess the forts,
places, and property seized from the United States, and commanding the insurgents
to disperse in twenty days. Again the gauge was taken up by the South, and thus
the flames of a civil war, the grandest, bloodiest, and saddest in history,
lighted up the whole heavens. Virginia forthwith seceded. North Carolina, Tennessee,
and Arkansas, followed; Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri were in a
blaze of agitation, and within a week from the proclamation, the line of the
Confederate States was transferred from the cotton States to the Potomac, and almost
to the Ohio and the Missouri, and their population and fighting men doubled…In
the North and West, too, the storm raged with the fury of a hurricane…Thousands
bent before the tempest; and here and there only was one found bold enough,
foolhardy enough it may have been, to bend not, and him it smote as a consuming
fire. The spirit of persecution for opinion’s sake, almost extinct in the old
world, now, by some mysterious transmigration, appeared incarnate in the new.
Social relations were dissolved; friendships broken up ; the ties of family and
kindred snapped asunder…But the reign of the mob was inaugurated only to be
supplanted by the iron domination of arbitrary power. Constitutional limitation
was broken down ; habeas corpus fell; liberty of the press, of speech, of the
person, of the mails, of travel, of one’s own house, and of religion; the right
to bear arms, due process of law, judicial trial, trial by jury, trial at all…all
went down at a blow…Whatever pleases the President, that is law!...An army of
public plunderers followed…Five hundred thousand men, an immense navy, and two
hundred and fifty millions of money were speedily granted…Thus was CIVIL war
inaugurated in America. Can any man to-day see the end of it?
Sir, I am one of that
number who have opposed abolitionism, or the political development of the
anti-slavery sentiment of the North and West, from the beginning. In school, at
college, at the bar, in public assemblies, in the Legislature, in Congress, boy
and man, as a private citizen and in public life, in time of peace and in time
of war, at all times and at every sacrifice, I have fought against it…I do not
believe that if slavery had never existed here we would have had no sectional
controversies. This very civil war might have happened fifty, perhaps a hundred
years later. Other and stronger causes of discontent and of disunion, it may
be, have existed between other States and sections, and are now being developed
every day into maturity…I believed from the first that it was the purpose of
some of the apostles of [abolition] to force a collision between the North and the
South…disunion at last. The wolf had come…No man then pretended that a Union
founded in consent could be cemented by force…And not that only, but I was
satisfied — and you of the Abolition party have now proved it to the world —
that the secret but real purpose of the war was to abolish slavery in the
States…Believing this, I could not, as an honest man, a Union man, and a
patriot, lend an active support to the war; and I did not… not the smell of so much
as one drop of its blood is upon my garments…Our Southern brethren were to be
whipped back into love and fellowship at the point of the bayonet…I can
comprehend a war to compel a people to accept a master; to change a form of
government; to give up territory; to abolish a domestic institution — in short,
a war of conquest and subjugation; but a war for union!...I have denounced,
from the beginning, the usurpations and the infractions, one and all, of law
and Constitution…and the people, thank God ! have at last heard and heeded, and
rebuked them, too…Sir, twenty months have elapsed, but the rebellion is not
crushed out…and to-day the Confederate flag is still near the Potomac and the
Ohio, and the Confederate Government stronger, many times, than at the
beginning. Not a State has been restored, not any part of any State has
voluntarily returned to the Union…The fabled hosts of Xerxes have been
outnumbered. And yet victory, strangely, follows the standard of the foe. From
Great Bethel to Vicksburg, the battle has not been to the strong…I learned it
from Chatham: “My lords, you cannot conquer America.” And you have not
conquered the South. You never will. It is not in the nature of things possible…The
war for the Union is, in your hands, a most bloody and costly failure. The President
confessed it on the 22d of September, solemnly, officially, and under the broad
seal of the United States. And he has now repeated the confession. The priests and
rabbis of abolition taught him that God would not prosper such a cause. War for
the Union was abandoned; war for the negro openly begun, and with stronger battalions
than before. With what success? Let the dead at Fredericksburg and Vicksburg
answer.
…Ought this war to
continue ? I answer, no — not a day, not an hour. What then? Shall we separate?
Again I answer, no, no, no ! What then?...Sir, the frequent civil wars and
conflicts between the States of Greece did not prevent their cordial union to
resist the Persian invasion; nor did even the thirty years Peloponnesian war…wholly
destroy the fellowship of those States…Compromise did at last what ages of
coercion and attempted conquest had failed to effect…Sir, many States and
people, once separate, have become united in the course of ages…War, indeed,
while it lasts, is disunion…Hence, I would hasten peace now, to-day…
And now, sir, is
there any difference of race here so radical as to forbid reunion? I do not
refer to the negro race, styled now, in unctuous official phrase, by the
President, ”Americans of African descent”…First, the common descent — and,
therefore, consanguinity — of the great mass of the people from the Anglo-Saxon
stock…the statesmen of 1863 ought to know that two or more confederate
governments, made up of similar States, having no natural boundary either, and
separated only by different governments, cannot endure long together in peace,
unless one or more of them be either too pusillanimous for rivalry, or too insignificant
to provoke it, or too weak to resist aggression…These, sir, along with the
establishment of justice, and the securing of the general welfare, and of the
blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity, made up the causes and
motives which impelled our fathers to the Union at first.
“What then, I ask, is the immediate, direct
cause of disunion and this civil war ? Slavery, it is answered…Certainly
slavery was in one sense — very obscure, indeed — -the cause of the war. Had
there been no slavery here, this particular war about slavery would never have
been waged… But far better say that the negro is the cause of the war; for had there
been no negro here, there would be no war just now. What then?...Sir, let us
have an end of this folly…Abolition [is] the cause of this civil war…Neither
will I be stopped by that other cry of mingled fanaticism and hypocrisy, about
the sin and barbarism of African slavery. Sir, I see more of barbarism and sin,
a thousand times, in the continuance of this war…in considering terms of settlement,
we will look only to the welfare, peace, and safety of the white race, without
reference to the effect that settlement may have upon the condition of the African…believe,
also, in the subordination of the negro race to the white, where they both
exist together, and that the condition of subordination, as established in the South,
is far better every way, for the negro, than the hard servitude of poverty,
degradation, and crime, to which he is subjected in the free States…You cannot
abolish slavery by the sword; still less by proclamations…Neither, sir, can you
abolish slavery by argument…The South is resolved to maintain it at every
hazard, and by every sacrifice; and if “this
Union cannot endure, part slave and part free,” then it is already and finally
dissolved…But I deny the doctrine. It is full of disunion and civil war…African
slavery has been, and is eminently conservative. It makes the absolute
political equality of the white race everywhere practicable. It dispenses with
the English order of nobility, and leaves every white man, North and South,
owning slaves or owning none, the equal of every other white man… Prejudice is
colder, and, therefore, more durable than the passions… Sir, after all, this
whole war is…one of races, representing not difference in blood, but mind and
its development…I…was born in Ohio, and am wholly of Southern ancestry…Sir, I
would not deny nor disparage the austere virtues of the old Puritans of England
or America. But I do believe that…there can be no possible or durable reunion
of these States until Abolitionism, has been utterly extinguished. Sir…I would
have the Union as it was…If, to-day, we secure peace, and begin the work of
reunion, we shall yet escape ; if not, I see nothing before us but universal
political and social revolution, anarchy, and bloodshed, compared with which, the
Reign of Terror in France was a merciful visitation.
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